by MLC | Jul 29, 2016 | Martial Law Stories
Source: Inquirer.net
The violence that marked then President Ferdinand Marcos’ State of the Nation Address at the Legislative Building on Jan. 26, 1970, put in motion a series of events that would eventually lead to the declaration of martial law in September 1972. Looking back on those events with hindsight and primary-source materials makes for some very fascinating reading.
I just discovered a First Quarter Storm website with first-person accounts of the events of that time and, aside from the most quoted reportage by Jose F. Lacaba, I rediscovered the very long and detailed reporting by Kerima Polotan that made me appreciate what good writing is all about. I asked my Inquirer editor how and why such long pieces were published in the past. Did people read more in the past compared to the millennials today who get their news in short Twitter feeds?
Seeing events from Marcos’ point of view may not sound politically correct these days, but it is important for a historian to study the different versions of the truth, the different viewpoints, to try and reconstruct the past. The Official Gazette records that on Jan. 27, 1970, the day after the Sona, Marcos had a long conference in Malacañang with the police chiefs of Greater Manila to find out what caused the violence the night before.
He asked that charges against the student demonstrators be dropped and advised the police to be “more tolerant of the future leaders of the country.” However, charges against nonstudents who committed violence would remain. Marcos hoped that the student demonstrators’ charges against the police would be dropped. He also directed that charges against individual policemen be investigated.
The President received only two callers on that day: US Ambassador Henry Byroade and Rep. Justiniano S. Montano of Cavite in the morning. Marcos wrote in his diary:
“Also met with Cong. Montano at 11:30 AM. Asked him to stop his fellow Liberals from the crazy ideas of a coup d’etat.
“12:10 PM Imelda left for Leyte to attend the installation of the Bishop of Palo. Have just called her up by phone patch. She says Olot is so beautiful, the Papal Nuncio says it is more beautiful than Napoli. The moon is out. It is a three quarter fading moon.
“Met with the Chiefs of Police in the Metropolitan area, the Metrocom Chief and his staff, the PC Chief and his staff and the NBI chief. Asked Col. Tamayo and Barbers to report on the rioting yesterday. I requested that the charges against the students be dropped; charges against nonstudents can continue; that a critique be made of the conduct of the men in uniform; that steps be taken to prevent any injuries to demonstrators in the future as there are reports of individual cases of policemen using more force than necessary. The MPD Chief explained that in the melee and the mob action, it was difficult to say what are the proper limits to the use of force to meet force. They asked for additional equipment as the policemen have to buy their own helmets and baton. About 19 policemen were injured.
“As reported by Ignacio Lacsonia, his NUTC men in the rally saw Roger Arienda and his men start the rioting by throwing the coffin, the stuffed crocodile and stones at my car. I have asked Col. Ver to get their affidavits.
“I also met at 10:45 with Ambassador Byroade whom I quietly confronted with the story the Liberals are spreading openly, that the American Embassy is supporting an attempt at a coup d’etat. He claims they only listened to the need of a coup. I told him of Patterson’s suggestion to blow up the bridges to isolate Malacañang. He seemed stunned and said he was greatly concerned and would do something about it. He said as long as he and Nixon were in position, we would not be fighting the Americans.
“I am a little relieved by his apparent willingness to cooperate with me.”
It is unfortunate that we do not have the Official Gazette entries for the President’s Day for Jan. 28-Feb. 5, 1970, because it would have provided the context for the diary entries that follow. On Jan. 28, 1970, Marcos detailed what he saw to be the pattern of subversion that included a conspiracy to grab power and assassinate him. He went over a list of journalists and academics making the government look bad and contemplated a plan:
“If we do not prepare measures of counter action, they will not only succeed in assassinating me but [also] in taking over the government. So we must perfect our emergency plan. I have several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters. But this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks, their legal cadres and support. Nor the MIM and other subversive or front organizations, nor those underground.
“We could allow the situation to develop naturally then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup d’etat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus—and arrest all including the legal cadres.
“Right now I am inclined towards the latter.
“The student demonstrators seem to want a parliamentary form of government.
“If I want to be perpetuated in power, this is the easier way to it, with a constitutional provision that there shall be no elections unless a majority of all members of a unicameral legislature should adopt a formal resolution asking for such elections—and the powers of the Prime Minister are those of the President now.”
That plan was executed in September 1972.
by MLC | Jul 3, 2016 | Martial Law Stories
Source: Rappler.com
Despite extensions, Imelda Marcos fails to submit her opposition to the government’s petition requesting forfeiture of multimillion-dollar artworks
Former Philippine first lady and current Congress Representative Imelda Marcos (C) is crowned with flowers during her 85th birthday celebration in the town of Batac, Ilocos Norte province, northern Philippines, 02 July 2014. Imelda Marcos celebrates her 85th birthday visiting her constituents in her district and her birthday wish is a hero’s burial for former President Ferdinand Marcos. EPA/FRANCIS R. MALASIG
MANILA, Philippines – The Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) and the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) asked the Sandiganbayan to forfeit the Marcos family’s 3 artwork collections, which were allegedly bought using public funds.
This came after former First Lady and now Ilocos Norte Representative Imelda Marcos failed to file her comment or opposition to the government’s motion to declare the art pieces “unlawfully acquired”.
The anti-graft court on March 17 initially gave Marcos and her children – representing the estate of former president Ferdinand Marcos – only 30 days to file their respective comments.
The children filed their opposition on April 15. Mrs Marcos, on the other hand, did not do so and instead asked the court twice for extension of a total of 45 days.
While the last deadline given to her was on May 29, she still did not submit her comment or opposition.
“Therefore, she is deemed to have waived her right to file. More importantly, she is deemed to have admitted the facts narrated in the motion,” government lawyers said in a 20-page reply filed before the Special First Division.
According to the PCGG, the 3 questionable art collections consist of the following: 152 paintings with an approximate value of $11.84 million, 27 paintings and sculptures reportedly found at the sequestered Metropolitan Museum of Manila assessed at $548,445.48, and the so-called Grandma Moses collection of 12 paintings by American artist Anna Mary “Grandma Moses” Robertson said to be worth $372,000.
The PCGG earlier asked the Sandiganbayan to order the Marcos family not to dispose of the artworks and to surrender them all.
Ill-gotten wealth?
The OSG-PCGG said Mrs Marcos bought the questionable art collections for $24 million – a far cry from the Marcos couple’s declared income of only $304,372.43 from 1966 to 1986.
By failing to counter the government’s allegations, Mrs Marcos is deemed to have admitted them, said the OSG-PCGG.
“Respondent Imelda’s unqualified admission of the factual allegations …is binding on respondent estate as an admission by a partner, privy, and conspirator,” the OSG-PCGG pointed out.
The children, for their part, dismissed the allegations as “forum-shopping.” For them, the questionable assets were already covered by the 1988 Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) case filed against their parents and 7 others before a court in New York.
But the OSG refused to buy this, saying the two cases are different.
“The RICO cases filed against respondent Imelda Marcos is an entirely different story. Evidently, the 1988 RICO case…pertains to a criminal trial in the United States for US-offenses. In contrast, the instant petition…seeks to forfeit property which appears to be manifestly out of proportion to the salary and other income of respondents,” the OSG said. – Rappler.com
by MLC | Jun 7, 2016 | Martial Law Stories
By: Jee Y. Geronimo
Source: Rappler.com
‘As they say, history is written by the victors, and if we look at the Marcos period, then we look at all the other periods,’ says incoming Education Secretary Leonor Briones
MANILA, Philippines – In the past months, there have been calls from different groups to review how Philippine history books portray the martial law years led by the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
The education department in March vowed to deepen the discussion on martial law and its impact on Filipinos today, after one book was heavily criticized for its “misleading claim” that all of Marcos’ programs “were done to uplift the lives of Filipinos.”
This supposedly “negates the history of untold abuses” during martial law. (WATCH: Young Filipinos shocked by martial law victims’ stories)
Asked if she will heed these calls to review the country’s history books, incoming Education Secretary Leonor Briones said any review should cover the administration of all Philippine presidents, and not just that of Marcos’.
“If ever there would be a review of textbooks, not only on martial law period. We should review again the coverage of all the administrations because not all of the administrations have also been examined fairly,” Briones said on Monday, during her first press conference as incoming education secretary.
“As they say, history is written by the victors, and if we look at the Marcos period, then we look at all the other periods, and then we have to do our best in seeing to it that there will be an objective assessment.”
She cited as example the case of former President Elpidio Quirino.
“When I was young and you were not yet even born, your parents were not even born, the big issue was that corruption was associated with Elpidio Quirino,” Briones told reporters.
“But now assessment shows that he was clearly a very good administrator and that all the stories probably could have been exaggerated…. We have to review the entire array of leadership and presidents of the country and not just one, and the key here is, of course, in the textbook board itself, which is an entity by itself.”
“If you do it for the Marcos era, you do it for all,” she added. (READ: Leonor Briones vows ‘consultative’ leadership in DepEd)
The recent calls to review history books happened during the campaign season of the 2016 elections, as Marcos’ son Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr ran for the vice presidency.
He eventually lost by more than 200,000 votes to Liberal Party bet Leni Robredo, who is now vice president-elect of the Philippines. – Rappler.com
by MLC | May 18, 2016 | Martial Law Stories
By Bea Orante
Source: Rappler.com
Now, more than ever, the youth have the responsibility to be the leaders we lost in the dark years
The elections and the candidacy of Ferdinand Marcos Jr have once again brought up the issue of his father’s dictatorship and the abuses of martial law. It seems the country can never escape the shadow of its past – and rightly so.
Many Filipinos voted for Marcos Jr and justified it as an act of moving on. The country should shake off the dust of 1972, they argued. Filipinos need to heal; and besides, the sin of the father is not the sin of the son, they said.
Their voices thundered across social media, but others engaged them, sharing stories of the horrors of martial law, and reminding everyone of its human cost. (READ: Martial law? Never again!)
In an election where “healing” and “unity” have been buzzwords, why does it seem like the country cannot move on?
When Marcos Sr declared martial law and clamped down on the opposition, scores of Filipinos rose against him, and suffered in the process. Many of them lived to tell the tale; many others did not. (WATCH: ‘Lucky day’: Surviving torture during martial law)
Where did all the young people go?
Many victims were young – some only as old as the recent batch of graduates when they died – and bright-eyed with idealism and the desire to serve. (READ: #NeverAgain: Martial Law stories young people need to hear)
They were, like Liliosa Hilao, writers who put into words their opposition to the regime. Liliosa wrote “Democracy is dead” in her diary when Marcos Sr declared martial law, and wore black to match her mourning.
In 1973, members of the Constabulary Anti-Narcotics Unit barged into her family’s home to look for her brother. Liliosa demanded a search warrant, so officers took her away and beat her. She later told her brother-in-law she was tortured. The day after her brother-in-law’s visit, her sister Alice went to Camp Crame Hospital to pick up her dead body, which was riddled with marks of abuse.
They were community organizers, like Edward de la Fuente, who worked among the poor as a “a skilled negotiator and troubleshooter.” Before he left his family to serve in the villages of Panay, he spent 14 months in prison for writing slogans in protest of martial law.
He spent 10 years working for the poor. In 1984, the military killed him. They said it was during an encounter; the autopsy indicated torture.
Edgar “Edjop” Jopson and Leandro “Lean” Alejandro were two of their generation’s brightest stars.
One of Edjop’s most famous acts is his confrontation with Marcos Sr. He was able to get a meeting with the president to discuss Marcos Sr’s plan to change the constitution. He insisted that Marcos Sr sign a document pledging not to run for a 3rd term. Marcos refused, saying he would not agree to a demand from a “grocer’s son.” Edjop replied, “Honest grocer naman.” (READ: Edjop, Imelda Marcos, and the fear of forgetting)
YOUNG HEROES. ‘The youth should understand that they are the successors of the people who died, and who would have wanted them to continue the good fight.’
The military captured Edjop in a raid in 1982. Refusing to cooperate during the interrogations, he was executed the day after.
Lean, meanwhile, actively campaigned against martial law while in the University of the Philippines. He joined and led protests against the regime, and helped establish the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan). He later became Bayan’s secretary-general.
In 1987, Lean was assassinated. He was on his way to Bayan’s offices in Cubao when his vehicle was ambushed. His murder has yet to be solved.
There were many others like them: Archimedes Trajano, who dared question Imee Marcos’sbeing National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay; Enrique Voltaire Garcia II, the former editor in chief of the Philippine Collegian; Lorena Barros, the first chairperson of the Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan. They all died for holding views dangerous to the regime.
Martial law and the death of the future
When the Marcos regime killed that crop of young leaders, they took with them would-be congressmen, senators, and perhaps, presidents. Martial law stole more than the country’s financial wealth – the Philippines was also robbed of a generation of bright minds.
Edjop was 34 years old at the time of his death; he would have turned 68 this year. Lean died at 27; he would have been nearing his 56th birthday today.
When the youth criticize today’s quality of governance, they should look to those dark years and see how they lost the chance to elect those bright minds.
But all is not lost, and that is cause for hope.
The youth beyond 1986, 2016
The 2016 polls have been called “the social media elections” because of the numerous campaign tools available. Maybe it should also be called “the youth’s elections.”
The youth are the largest segment of the population, making up more than 40% of the electorate. They have also been vocal about issues concerning them. Their sheer number and advocacies, coupled with their Internet skills, have made them more influential than they ever have been.
Young people were called to serve their country in 1972 to fight oppression, and again in 1986 to overthrow the regime that started it. In 2016, they had to choose the country’s future direction. The people, the youth included, have spoken, but civic participation has never ended with just voting.
Now, more than ever, the youth have the responsibility to be the leaders we lost in the dark years. They should be the Liliosas, Edwards, Edjops, and Leans.
But they can only do that by remembering those who came before them, and understanding that they are the successors of the people who died, the people who would have wanted them to continue the good fight.
The youth’s time will come, and when it does, we could be on our way to healing. I would like to think that when that happens, Liliosa, Edward, Edjop, Lean, and all the martial law victims will look upon us with pride.
by MLC | May 12, 2016 | Martial Law Stories
By Don Kevin Hapal
Source: Rappler.com
‘Perhaps if we gave more attention to the stories of the thousands of other victims, it would be so much harder for the Filipino people to forget’
A few months back, I wrote about the different torture methods used during martial law, and received mixed reactions to the story. Besides accusations of being a paid hack, there was a resounding narrative: that history is written by the victors who, in this case, are the Aquinos.
Immediately after reading people’s comments, I took a step back to reflect. Is everything we know about martial law really mere fabrications by the Aquinos and their allies?
The answer is no.
Bloodshed
We ought to stop seeing this as but a feud between two families – the Marcoses and the Aquinos. The brutal history of the martial law era was not written by the Aquinos alone.
Ninoy Aquino and his family play a significant role in the story, but it’s not all about them. In fact, Ninoy’s assassination is only a fraction of a two-decade-long narrative. His death is just one of thousands.
Martial law was a crime against the Filipino people, not just the Aquinos.
Not all of the victims of martial law are supporters of the Aquinos. They were not all communists either. Some of them were journalists just doing their job, students who felt oppressed, and ordinary people who were at the wrong place at the wrong time.
Those stories of death and torture were not just written by the Aquinos but by the victims and the families they left behind, with scars they’ll bear their whole lives. This part of our history was not only written with Ninoy’s blood, but with the blood of thousands of others who died and suffered horrendous torture during the Marcos regime.
They’re not victors. They’re victims.
The sins of the Aquinos
The Aquinos, however, can be blamed for this, too.
They have exhaustively used this narrative for 3 decades, hogging the spotlight to stay in power. By telling the story of one man’s heroism through and through every year, they’ve managed to put two Aquinos in the top government post.
This narrative, however, is weak and easy to break. The story of martial law has become so hinged on the Aquinos that when their credibility was hit – for instance, over the Hacienda Luisita massacre and the Mendiola massacre – people started doubting the credibility of the martial law stories we grew up hearing.
Martial law became all about the Aquinos – the story of a battle between a “good” leader and an “evil” one, deemphasizing the fact that so many other people died and suffered.
Many millennials know about Ninoy’s assassination and People Power, but not the stories of the fathers and mothers who lost their children, or the children who lost their parents. We were all told of the numbers – 70,000 people imprisoned, 34,000 tortured, and 3,240 killed – but not the stories behind the figures.
This gave revisionists an opportunity to put their own spin on the story: that the declaration of martial law was necessary, that it ushered in an era of success, and that these “victims” deserved what happened to them.
The discussions on martial law have been limited to picking a side between the Aquinos and Marcoses, as if hating one of them automatically makes you a supporter of the other.
Ninoy was the match that ignited People Power, yes. But the gruesome stories of abduction, torture, and murder served as the fuel. Perhaps if we gave more attention to the stories of the thousands of other victims, it would be so much harder for the Filipino people to forget.
Tell their story
So let’s do that instead.
When you talk to the younger generation about the martial law era, tell the story of Liliosa Hilao, the first female and student activist to die in detention during martial rule. Her body, when found, showed signs of torture: her lips bore cigarette burns, her arms had injection marks, and her body was full of bruises. According to her sister, her internal organs were removed to cover signs of torture and possible sexual abuse.
Tell the story of Boyet Mijares, who was only 16 years old when he disappeared. His only sin – being the son of the whistleblower and writer Primitivo Mijares.
Tell the story of Archimedes Trajano, who was 21 when he questioned Imee Marcos on why she was the National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay during an open forum. A few days later, he was found dead. His body showed signs of torture.
There are so many more stories out there. Maybe, if we tell our children these stories instead, they would understand better why something like this should not be allowed to happen again.
by MLC | May 12, 2016 | Martial Law Stories
By Violet Bilbao
Source: Rappler.com
‘I was angry that they keep spreading all those stuff about Marcos without credible sources,” says Roscelle Cruz a librarian who has seen records from the martial law period
MANILA, Philippines – A librarian and researcher working for a government agency urged netizens and Marcos apologists to “read reliable sources” about the martial law years and not depend on “memes and revisionists videos.”
In a Facebook post on Wednesday, May 11, Roscelle Cruz asked Marcos apologists to unfriend her for they “don’t deserve our virtual friendship.”
“Then climb to the 3rd floor of the UP Main Library and find me. I’ll give you all the records, documents, and photos I have during martial law. Where can you even find a police report that said the cause of death [of a person] is a probable ‘suicide,’ yet was shot 27 times (6 times in the head), and with the eyeballs sticking out?” Cruz added.
A licensed librarian, Cruz is taking up her master’s degree in Library Studies. She works for a government agency to archive its martial law record that are deposited at the Main Library of UP Diliman. She declined to disclose publicly the agency she works for. (Read: Martial law stories young people need to hear)
Cruz said vice presidential candidate Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr, son and namesake of the late dictator, is not innocent of the atrocities committed against victims of martial law during his father’s rule. According to Cruz, records show that Bongbong Marcos was 23 years old by then.
Beyond memes
In an interview, Cruz said she posted that status in response to other Facebook friends who are Marcos apologists.
“Librarians are information specialists. Thus, the first things we check about any information are sources. I was angry that they keep spreading all those stuff about Marcos without credible sources,” she said.
She found out that the information used by her friends to defend Marcos Jr and his father were from memes and Youtube videos that do not have factual basis.
“Every day, I read these records involving my work, involving the atrocities of the martial law period, so I couldn’t just let this slide, and [so] posted this back,” she added.
Cruz reminded netizens, especially the millennials, that they are a large channel in the flow of information on social media.
“I want to promote information literacy, especially among the millennials – that before they post anything, they should try to check the sources. The resources are here [in the library], and their historical evidence won’t lie, being compiled carefully, every day, during and after the martial law,” Cruz added.
Supporters of congresswoman Leni Robredo and Marcos have been arguing online since their vice presidential bets came neck and neck in the unofficial results, based on the transmissions to the Commission on Elections Transparency Server.
This is not the first time netizens tried to debunk the romanticism of the martial law period. Before the elections, the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang or Carmma posted a video where martial law survivors tell young Filipinos their horrible experience during that period.
The video campaign is aimed at encouraging people to sign the petition to rewrite the country’s history books and include the horrific stories experienced by martial law victims.
