Metro Manila (CNN Philippines) — As days of prayer have begun in former president Ferdinand Marcos’ hometown, protesters on Wednesday vowed to continue blocking his burial at the heroes’ cemetery.
Martial law survivors in Manila said they would always retell the atrocities they experienced during the Marcos regime.
May Rodriguez, a campus journalist during martial law, said the burial issue was more than just a fight between the Marcoses and the Aquinos.
Rodriguez was referring to President Duterte’s comment that Marcos’ burial was just a fight between the two political families.
“Kami po nakipaglaban para sa bayan, sa demokrasya, para sa hustisya. Hindi para kay Ninoy,” Rodriguez said.
[Translation: “We fought for the nation, for democracy, for justice – not for Ninoy.”]
Former party-list representative Neri Colmenares, who was a student activist in the 70s, echoed Rodriguez’s sentiment.
“I think Duterte should re-recognize history and the context of martial law to explain inflamed emotions that continue to erupt until now,” Colmenares said.
He said the Marcos vs. Aquino narrative of the martial law years was “too reductionist.”
Colmenares said he and other survivors were not giving up their fight against Marcos’ burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, as ruled by the Supreme Court on November 8.
They have filed two petitions with the high court for a status quo ante order to prevent the Marcos camp from proceeding with burial plans.
While they respect the novena and requiem masses for the former president, the petitioners hope these do not signal definite plans — including a burial date.
CNN Philippines’ Ruth Cabal contributed to this report.
Education about history is found in how society chooses to remember, or not remember, and this social memory, rather than history per se, is what in turn shapes our actions and understanding of the past.
Editor’s note: Jose K. Tirol, Ph.D. is an assistant professor at the Department of History of the Ateneo de Manila University. The opinions expressed in this commentary are his.
(CNN Philippines Life) — The easiest way to comment about Martial Law, and Philippine history classes about Martial Law, is to describe the terrible legacy of the former, and the tepid quality of the latter. It has been three decades since the EDSA Revolution, but the tragedy is that a generation of young Filipinos remains largely ignorant of the narrative of Martial Law. These were only children during, or born after that period, and sheltered by parents who would rather not discuss what they had endured for so long.
An even greater tragedy, however, is that there are many older Filipinos who experienced Martial Law as adults and continue to support the memory of Ferdinand Marcos today. Within this category are Filipinos who either honestly do not know the extent of the excesses of the dictatorship, or even benefited from Marcos’ rule, and describe the period as the so-called Golden Era of Philippine history.
When we use the word “education,” we are referring not just to what is taught in the classroom, through our textbooks and our teachers. For most of the period after EDSA, the narrative transmitted throughout elementary and secondary school was a watered-down version of Martial Law. Abuses by the military and paramilitary units, and the plunder committed by the Marcos family and their cronies, were routinely downplayed, while emphasizing the positive accomplishments of the regime, as if it were a balance sheet.
An even greater tragedy, however, is that there are many older Filipinos who experienced Martial Law as adults and continue to support the memory of Ferdinand Marcos today.
Rather than let the teachers analyze and properly discuss Martial Law, students were encouraged to think for themselves, to come to their own conclusions. Such awful naïveté only created a generation that didn’t know the truths they needed to know, unless their parents took it upon themselves to fill in the gaps left by formal education. But this broadening of minds seems to be more the exception rather than the rule, as witnessed by many impressionable young Filipinos easily drawn into the propaganda of the Marcos faithful.
What needs to be understood about education, especially in the context of Martial Law, is the fact that what we learn about history transcends the classroom. The policies and guidelines from government offices, as fleshed out by authors, is actually only one facet of how society reinterprets and transmits narratives. Education about history is found in how society chooses to remember, or not remember, and this social memory, rather than history per se, is what in turn shapes our actions and understanding of the past.
Abuses by the military and paramilitary units, and the plunder committed by the Marcos family and their cronies, were routinely downplayed, while emphasizing the positive accomplishments of the regime, as if it were a balance sheet.
For example, we have one Martial Law museum in the entire Philippines, the Bantayog ng mga Bayani, and it was set up as a private initiative. No government has yet to provide funding for a public museum on Martial Law. The monuments we build, or do not build, express volumes about the presence, or absence, of a proper grasp of society about its history.
Notice too the scarcity of Filipino movies explicitly about the Marcos family, or any attempt to capture the larger scope of Martial Law. We only have “Imelda,” “Eskapo,” and “Dekada ‘70” — the latter of which was more of a family history rather than a national history. We can produce quality films like “Heneral Luna,” but our film industry is extremely hesitant to make a legitimate movie about that dark era in our history.
Our reluctance to properly educate our people, and not just the young, about Martial Law, is actually not the first time when Filipinos have been hesitant to confront unpleasant historical memories. We have seen it in the blank stares of young people when they hear about the brutality of the Philippine-American War. We would rather remember America giving us democracy, public school education, and eventual independence. We would rather remember America’s gifts, which were actually not as altruistic as they initially seemed.
No government has yet to provide funding for a public museum on Martial Law. The monuments we build, or do not build, express volumes about the presence, or absence, of a proper grasp of society about its history.
We have also seen it in the haste with which issues of collaboration, of Filipino betraying Filipino, were swept under the rug following the Second World War. We wanted to focus on economic reconstruction so badly that it was politically convenient to forget that not all those who worked for the Japanese were honestly pro-Filipino, but unfortunately self-serving.
And then there is Martial Law, the ghost that won’t go away, manifesting itself in the division among us over the former president’s burial. After the Marcos family fled, along with many of their cronies and associates, there was no serious effort from any Philippine president to pursue justice for the thousands of lives lost and thousands more traumatized.
To speak of a lack of education, therefore, means a return to studying social memory, to go back and study where we — parents, teachers, institutions, both private and public — have been amiss in teaching our children, and in so doing, reclaiming our responsibility to shaping our nation’s future.
Metro Manila (CNN Philippines) — Filipinos should be united in saying “never again” to any attempts to imposed martial law in the country.
Presidential Communications Secretary Herminio Coloma Jr. made this appeal on Sunday (September 20), on the eve of date on which President Ferdinand Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 back in 1972.
In an interview with Rey Sampang aired over state-run radio dzRB, Coloma stressed the importance of remembering the “terrible experience” of older generations during martial law, especially now that more than almost two generations had been born since then.
With younger Filipinos having had no experience of that period, he said: “Dapat lamang na maunawaan nila ito at maging kaisa nila tayo doon sa pagsasabing ‘never again’ o hindi na dapat maulit ang malagim na karanasan ng bansang Pilipinas sa ilalim ng martial law.”
[Translation: “They should understand this and be one with us in saying ‘never again,’ so that this terrible experience of the Philippines under martial law would not be repeated.”
The actual declaration of martial law was on September 23, 1972, although the document was dated September 21. Marcos himself appeared on television to make announcement, followed by Press Secretary Francisco “Kit” Tatad.
As Coloma pointed out in his interview, Marcos started implementing martial law on the night of September 22, when he had many of his perceived political enemies arrested, among them Sens. Jose Diokno and Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr., the current president’s father.
[Editor’s Note: The website of the Official Gazette has a timeline of the martial law period and some of the diary entries of Marcos himself.]
Sampang asked Coloma to the state of press freedom now as compared to its state during martial law, to which the secretary gave a lengthy answer in Filipino, which in English reads:
“It’s very clear to us and to any other observer that the freedom of the press in the Philippines is one good example of how to respect and implement it in a democracy.
“If we look at other countries, there are just a few of them that have full freedom of the press.
“You see, there are many countries that have laws like the Internal Security Act that imposes restrictions on reporting. And if you remember, this is one of the issues on which President Aquino took a stand.
“Even at the height of the Luneta hostage-taking incident in 2010, the president insisted that he would not allow any form of prior restraint or suppression of freedom of the press.
“So this is one thing that we our country can be proud of — having full freedom of the press, along with freedom of assembly and freedom of expression.”
Coloma also issued a separate statement to media, the English version of which is as follows:
Tomorrow, September 21, the nation recalls the imposition or martial rule in 1972 or 43 years ago, which is probably one of the darkest chapters in the country’s history. We join our citizenry in remembering and honoring the sacrifices of the victims of martial rule.
With courage, they defied harassment, cruel punishment and fear as they asserted and fought for the recognition of basic human rights at a time when the dictatorship demolished the house of democracy in our land.
From their blood, sweat and tears, our people gathered and rebuilt their willpower and strength to mount wave upon wave of protest movements that culminated in the triumph of the EDSA People Power revolution in 1986.
Indeed, the people’s resistance and struggle against martial rule served as the foundation for rebuilding democracy in the Philippines that served as a beacon of hope and inspiration for other freedom-loving people, who overcame dictatorship and rebuilt democracy in their land.
Together with our efforts to ensure sustainable long-term growth, progress and stability that would include the active participation of all Filipinos, it is important to impart to the youth of our land the lessons learned from martial rule and the struggle to restore democracy, as our continuing legacy to all future generations of Filipinos.
The numbers that marked the rise and fall of the New Society.
(SPOT.ph) It’s been 40 years since Martial Law was declared. But it still casts a long shadow over our collective consciousness. No long-winded history lessons from us, though: we chose some unsettling numbers to present Martial Law as it was.
For the record, when we say, “never mind the why,” we’re being ironic. There are many books written by scholars and survivors of Martial Law’s horrors that can better explain why it was declared. Yet, despite these, there are still many people who remain convinced that it was “good for the country.” (And, yes, we’ve met many people who think that way.)
As one of our commenters put it, “The numbers can flesh out the horror.” But then again, an infographic can only do so much. A substantial answer to why Martial Law happened must be sought out by those of us who still can’t wrap our minds around it.
Because 40 years is a landmark year, we decided to make this into a three-part series. First stop, this infographic. Kindly click below for a bigger view.
(SPOT.ph) In September 1972, President Ferdinand E. Marcos saw it fit to place the country under Martial Law. At the time, the government believed there were (allegedly real and some tagged as imaginary) enemies of the state everywhere.
What was it like back then? An Inquirer.net article reveals: “Journalists remember the first months of Martial Law as among the darkest. Airline flights were suspended indefinitely and overseas telephone operators refused to accept incoming calls. [At first], there was no immediate official announcement, but news about what had happened while the nation was sleeping spread like wildfire.”
If you were perceived as an enemy of the state, you were arrested. No questions asked. Many suffered unspeakable horrors while in prison, others were never seen again. It’s been 40 years since that dreadful day, but the scars remain. You don’t really move on from something like this. We’ve rounded up some sound bites from the era, to help us remember that this should never happen again.
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(SPOT.ph) In September 1972, President Ferdinand E. Marcos saw it fit to place the country under Martial Law. At the time, the government believed there were (allegedly real and some tagged as imaginary) enemies of the state everywhere.
What was it like back then? An Inquirer.net article reveals: “Journalists remember the first months of Martial Law as among the darkest. Airline flights were suspended indefinitely and overseas telephone operators refused to accept incoming calls. [At first], there was no immediate official announcement, but news about what had happened while the nation was sleeping spread like wildfire.”
If you were perceived as an enemy of the state, you were arrested. No questions asked. Many suffered unspeakable horrors while in prison, others were never seen again. It’s been 40 years since that dreadful day, but the scars remain. You don’t really move on from something like this. We’ve rounded up some sound bites from the era, to help us remember that this should never happen again.
“My countrymen, as of the twenty-first of this month, I signed Proclamation 1081 placing the entire Philippines under Martial Law.” –President Ferdinand E. Marcos formally announcing Martial Law in September 1972
“This building is closed and sealed and placed under military control.” -notice posted on the doors of news agencies and broadcast stations after the police stormed the premises and asked staffers to leave
“How many of our esteemed colleagues are privately ashamed of what is happening and yet praise the dictator openly and on radio and television as if he were the greatest Filipino ever born?” -former Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. (1932 to 1983) in a letter addressed to fellow Senator Francisco “Soc” Rodrigo on June 19, 1973, which he wrote while he was detained at Fort Bonifacio (Rodrigo had also been incarcerated but was released earlier, while Aquino was a prisoner for seven and a half years.)
“The road less traveled by we’ve taken-/ And that has made all the difference:/ The barefoot army of the wilderness/ We all should be in time./ Awakened, the masses are Messiah./ Here among workers and peasants our lost/ Generation has found its true, its only home.” -poet-activist Emmanuel “Eman” Lacaba (1948 to 1976) in “Open Letter to the Filipino Artists,” from a segment that he wrote on January 1976 in Davao del Norte. On March 18, 1976, reports alleged that Lacaba and three others were “slain in an encounter with the Davao Del Norte Constabulary Command.” Lacaba was only 27 years old.
“Ako po si Kris Aquino. Ako’y pitong taong gulang na ngunit halos anim na taon ko nang hindi nakakapiling ang tatay kong si Ninoy Aquino. Sana’y tulungan po ninyo ako para makapiling po naman (s’ya) ng mommy ko, ng mga kapatid ko, at para makapaglingkod na rin po sa inyo (My name is Kris Aquino. I am only seven years old but I haven’t been with my dad Ninoy Aquino for six years. I hope you can help me so that he can be with my mommy and my brothers and sisters, as well as serve you).” –Kris Aquino in 1978, campaigning for her father Ninoy Aquino, who was running for senator once more
“When authoritarianism is no longer necessary to protect the welfare of the people, I will be the first to move for its dismantling. But the easy, casual wave of the hand dismissing the dangers that confront the worsening world situation and us is not for me.” –President Ferdinand E. Marcos (1917 to 1989) in a speech delivered in 1979 during the inauguration of the Philippines Columbian Association’s New Clubhouse Complex, Plaza Dilao, Manila
Consider this a “wordy crib sheet” from the tumultuous era.
(SPOT.ph) Martial Law’s impact on Philippine history and pop culture was significant, to say the least. Back then, there were acronyms and buzzwords galore for the state’s programs and tools of propaganda. Admittedly, some acronyms made people fearful, while others attempted to convince them into thinking that this was all “for our own good.” Still, there are acronyms and buzzwords that were spawned by what people saw-some of them gave hope (or whatever passed for it), while others only emphasized the gap between those in power and those who had been rendered powerless. Here, we’ve listed some of the words of that tumultuous era.
CHDF. The Civilian Home Defense Force, a group of non-professional citizen reservists organized during Martial Law and designated in rural areas to supposedly help in the government’s fight against insurgents. (Weaponized civilians? You can guess what happened.)
FQS. First Quarter Storm refers to January to March 1970, when demonstrations, protests, and marches against the Marcos government intensified. It was later cited by Nick Joaquin in his book Manila, My Manila: A History For The Young (as well as in other works) as “one of the factors leading to the declaration of Martial Law in 1972.”
KKK. No, this did not refer to the group founded by Andress Bonifacio. This was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran, one of the economic reform programs of the era.
KM. Kabataang Makabayan, one of the “radical” student organizations of the era.
Masagana 99.According to a GMA News Online article, this was “the Philippine version of the international movement Green Revolution, a campaign for food self-sufficiency.” This was launched in May 1973. The GMA News Online article also noted: “However, Katherine Ellison wrote in Imelda: Steel Butterfly of the Philippines [that] some Filipinos ’angrily noted the source of the Green Revolution’s funds: two million pesos from the sale of Japanese rice donated to typhoon victims, and five million from the Department of Agriculture.’”
Metrocom. The Philippine Constabulary (PC) Metropolitan Command. The task of the group’s members was to “complement and supplement police forces within the Greater Manila Area.” Those who lived through the Martial Law era often say that the Metrocom “ruled Manila back then.” They were the guys who enforced the curfew and made sure that nobody “disturbed the peace,” so to speak.
National Thanksgiving Day. As historian Ambeth Ocampo wrote in his Philippine Daily Inquirer opinion piece, this was supposed to refer to September 21, the so-called official date of the declaration of Martial Law. President Ferdinand E. Marcos declared it in 1972 so by virtue of Proclamation No. 1180.
New Society. The brave new world envisioned by President Ferdinand Marcos. He said that Martial Law was the the prelude to this environment, where social and political values would be elevated. As such, Marcos’ political party was called Kilusang Bagong Lipunan.
Nutribun.According to a GMA News Online article, this bread was “developed in the early ’70s by local bakeries from a blend of local and donated ingredients, and distributed in elementary school feeding programs as a ready-to-eat complete meal.” The GMA News Online article noted that in her book, My 17 Years With USAID: The Good and the Bad, Nancy Dammann claimed: “During the disastrous floods in Central Luzon of 1972, bags filled with Nutribuns were stamped ’Courtesy Imelda Marcos-Tulungan project’ even though they were donations.”
Oplan Sagittarius. The supposed plan to implement Martial Law. This plan was exposed in Congress by then-Senator Ninoy Aquino earlier in September 1972. His pronoucements turned out to be true.
PC. The Philippine Constabulary. This government agency is described by history books as “one of the first of the four service commands of the country’s Armed Forces.” In other words, you didn’t want the PC knocking at your door back then.
Rolex 12. According to this Philippine Daily Inquirer article, Rolex 12 referred to “the group of military advisers who had helped Marcos plan Martial Law. Among members were the following: Gen. Fabian Ver; then Armed Forces Chief of Staff Gen. Romeo Espino; then Army chief Maj. Gen. Rafael Zagala; Maj. Gen. Ignacio Paz, head of Army intelligence; Air Force Maj. Gen. Jose Rancudo; Navy Rear Adm. Hilario Ruiz; Brig. Gen. Tomas Diaz, head of a key Constabulary unit; Brig. Gen. Alfredo Montoya, head of the Manila Metropolitan Command; Col. Romeo Gatan, commander of the constabulary in Tarlac; and, Eduardo Cojuangco, the only civilian in the group. (Other similar groups also mentioned in the Philippine Daily Inquirer article: Omega 5 and The 7 Wise Men.)
“Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan.” The Martial Law slogan. It means, “For the nation’s progress, discipline is needed.” There used to be an anecdote alleging that TV host Ariel Ureta made a joke about the slogan, turning it into “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, bisikleta ang kailangan (For the nation’s progress, a bicycle is needed).” The story goes that he was “invited” to Camp Crame and was made to ride a bicycle for hours. Ureta, in a recent interview published in The Philippine Star, said that this never happened. Many people still believe the story though.
Salvage. This word meant something entirely different. But, in Philippine English, it referred to extrajudicial killings. This was what allegedly happened to “enemies of the state.” You say something bad about the government and shortly after that your body is found in a ditch somewhere.
SDK. Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan, one of the student groups tagged as “radical” during the era.
