The widow of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos turns up at the wrong Church service, but says ‘it’s fine’
WRONG SERVICE. Former first lady Imelda Marcos is escorted by her aide after attending Mass intended for martial law victims at the Baclaran Church on Wednesday, February 24. Photo by Ben Nabong/Rappler
MANILA, Philippines – Imelda Marcos sat through a memorial Mass for victims of her late husband’s regime, after the former Philippine first lady arrived at the wrong church service, witnesses said Thursday, February 25.
The wheelchair-bound widow, 86, listened Wednesday as a torture victim shared harrowing memories and a Catholic priest delivered a homily on the lessons of Ferdinand Marcos’ martial-law rule.
Ric Malasa, an aide to Marcos, who remains a member of the House of Representatives, told AFP a member of her staff had whispered to her they had turned up at the wrong service at Manila’s popular Redemptorist Church.
But he added Marcos replied: “It’s fine. We’re all praying to the same God.”
Human rights groups say tens of thousands of people were jailed and tortured during Ferdinand Marcos’ 20-year military-backed rule, which ended in a bloodless popular revolt that chased the family into US exile 30 years ago Thursday.
The current authorities now estimate the family plundered $10 billion from state coffers, which allowed the flamboyant first lady to live a jetsetting lifestyle in which she amassed hundreds of pairs of shoes as well as jewelry and pieces of art.
But mass-goers, many of them campaigners for the rights of people who suffered imprisonment and torture during the Marcos regime, showed no sign of disrespect to the widow at the service, according to Carlito Latorre, a lay missionary.
“One of the victims, a man, shared how he lost his sense of hearing from the torture,” Latorre told AFP.
“The priest said martial law must not be repeated and its lessons must not be forgotten,” Latorre said, adding Marcos left abruptly after the homily.
“We’re hoping she listened to the sermon and that she would not disregard it,” he added.
Ferdinand Marcos died in Hawaii in 1989, but his heirs returned to the Philippines in the early 1990s to set in train a stunning political comeback.
After the EDSA People Power Revolution in 1986, Ferdinand Marcos and his family fled to Hawaii in a United States Air Force C-130.
Upon arrival at Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii, the Marcos family filled out an official Customs list of their “household effects.”
In her book “The Marcoses and the Missing Filipino Millions,” journalist Caroline Kennedy has looked into the contents of the list, which she said “reads like pure fantasy.”
In the book, Kennedy writes that the dictator’s wife Imelda Marcos has done everything — including lie and bribe — to obscure the true nature of their assets.
“If you know how rich you are, you aren’t rich,” Kennedy quotes the former first lady saying, “I have no idea how rich I am!” —Aya Tantiangco and Jannielyn Ann Bigtas/JST, GMA News
What the entire world knows after 30 years is a mere fraction, and not the entirety, of the Marcos loot
MANILA, Philippines – Months after its creation in 1986, the Presidential Commission Good Government (PCGG) saw tangible results of its quest for the return of the illegal assets of the Marcoses and cronies.
It negotiated the first compromise deal with crony Jose Yao Campos, a Chinese Filipino entrepreneur who owned the controlling interest of United Laboratories Inc., a major drug firm, for the return of the Marcos assets listed under his name.
Campos, low key and unassuming, was probably the most cooperative among the known Marcos cronies.
Unlike other cronies who chose to slug it out with the post-Marcos government, Campos cooperated fully in surrendering the Marcos assets under his name. Marcos used him mainly as caretaker of those illegal assets.
A friend of the dictator, Campos surrendered to the PCGG the 197 titles representing pieces of real estate property in Metro Manila, Rizal, Laguna, Cavite, Bataan and Baguio City, and P250 million ($5.3 million) in cash. The pieces of real estate property have a combined value of over P2.5 billion ($52.5 million). (READ: Recovering Marcos’ ill-gotten wealth: After 30 years, what?)
In 1987, the PCGG recovered P375 million ($7.9 million) from the accounts of Campos and Rolando Gapud, reputedly the dictator’s financial adviser, in Security Bank and Trust Company, a local commercial bank.
Decades later, the Honolulu court decided to compensate the human rights victims of the Marcos regime and ruled the sale of two pieces of property in the US to pay them. They were listed under Campos’ name.
Among the Marcos assets under Campos’ name, which the PCGG sold to the private sector, were: the Dasmariñas property in 1994 for P200 million ($4.2 million); IRC Antipolo property in San Isidro in 1995 for P27.6 million ($580,000); the IRC Antipolo property in Victoria Valley Subdivision 1996 for P35.2 million ($740,000); Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company shares in 1999 for P74.2 million ($1.6 million); and Anscor and PLDT shareholdings in 2005 for P41 million ($860,000).
Also sold were: Manila Bulletin shareholdings in 2008 for P163 million ($3.4 million); the Wack-Wack property in Mandaluyong City in 2011 for P127 million ($2.7 million); Hans Menzi Compound in Baguio City in 2012 for P93 million ($2 million); Banaue Inn compound in 2012 for P10 million ($200,000); Mapalad property in Paranaque City in 2013 for P247 million ($5 million); and the J. Y. Campos property in Baguio City in 2014 for P160 million ($3.4 million).
Banana magnate, too
In 1987, banana magnate Antonio Floirendo entered into a compromise deal with the PCGG and turned over P70 million ($1.5 million) in cash and assets.
The Marcos assets he gave to the PCGG included the Lindenmere Estate and Olympic Towers in New York and the real property listed as 2443 Makiki Heights Drive, Honolulu, Hawaii.
The PCGG sold the Marcos assets under Floirendo’s name such as: Beverly Hills property in California in 1994 for $2.52 million and its residual items for $42,300; the Makiki property in 1995 for $1.35 million; and the Lindenmere Estate in 1996 for $40 million. Since the Lindenmere property was heavily mortgaged, the PCGG’s share was $1.62 million.
Philippine Ambassador to Japan Roberto Benedicto, the dictator’s close friend since their law school days at the University of the Philippines, followed suit in 1990.
In a compromise agreement with the PCGG, he surrendered $16 million in Swiss bank deposits, shareholdings in 32 corporations, 100 percent of the California Overseas Bank shares, and 51 percent of his agricultural lands, and cash dividends in his firms.
The PCGG sold the Marcos assets under Benedicto’s name, which two pieces of Intercontinental Broadcasting Corporation property in Cebu in 2001 for a total P228.5 million ($4.8 million), received P58.3 million ($1.2 million) as its share of just compensation of 40 percent of the proceeds of the 2003 sale of three tracts of sugarland in Negros Occidental, and privatized in 2008 the Eastern Telecommunications, Phils., Inc. shareholdings for P104 million ($2.2 million).
The PCGG recovered illicit assets from persons, who were not necessarily cronies but lesser known caretakers to whom Marcos entrusted his ill-gotten wealth. When the volume of his illegal operations grew at the height of martial rule, Marcos recruited unknown persons to do the job for him.
The PCGG entered into compromise settlements with low profile Anthony Lee, who surrendered shareholdings in Mountainview Real Estate Corporation in 1991; Alejo Ganut Jr., who surrendered P50 million ($1 million) in 1996; and Antonio Martel, who ceded a 4.6 hectare property in Bacolod City in 1996.
Crony Herminio Disini, who worked as agent for the sale of the ill-fated but overpriced Bataan nuclear plant, refused to cooperate with state authorities.
After lengthy court battles, the PCGG secured from the Supreme Court in 2012 a decision declaring as ill-gotten the $50.56 million commission he received from Westinghouse,Inc., the supposed contractor of the Bataan nuclear plant.
The SC ordered the Vienna-based Disini to return the entire amount plus interest charges to the Philippine government. Disini has yet to respond to the SC decision.
Eyeing big companies
What the entire world knows after 30 years is a mere fraction, and not the entirety, of the Marcos loot. A number of their illegally acquired assets in the country have been identified.
What has been stashed abroad remains a big question, although it has been estimated that the loot could be between $5 billion to $10 billion.
Marcos was not content to receive huge under-the-table commissions from foreign contractors of big ticket state projects. Marcos and his cronies had set their eyes, too, on major firms long regarded as blue chips by the stock market.
These included Manila Electric Company (Meralco), Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT), and San Miguel Corporation.
Marcos, using brother-in-law Benjamin Romualdez, took control of Meralco and sent its owners, the Lopezes, to exile in the US shortly after he declared martial law in 1972. Marcos secretly used Ramon Cojuangco as his nominee in PLDT.
Marcos used crony Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco Jr to use coconut levy funds and take control of SMC.
The PCGG did not lose time in filing claims on blocks of shareholdings believed to be owned by the Marcoses and their ilk in those three firms.
The judicial grind was taxing to the spirit, but after years of court litigation they bore fruit as the government had recovered billions of pesos from the sale of the contested shareholdings.
The PCGG recovered and sold to the private sector the first batch of Meralco shares held by Benjamin Romualdez in 1994 for P13.5 billion ($280 million); the second batch in 1997 for P2.6 billion ($55 million); the third batch in 1998 for P53 million ($1.1 million); and the fourth and last batch in 2008 for P2.1 billion ($44 million), or a total of P18.7 billion ($393 million).
The recovery of the Marcos assets in PLDT took a more circuitous route. The court litigation was characterized by earlier decisions only to be overturned by motions for reconsideration.
In the end, the PCGG has secured in 2006 the final decision from the Supreme Court saying that the contested shares belonged to Marcos and not to the family of Ramon Cojuangco.
In 2006, the PCGG sold to the Metro Pacific Holdings., a local firm owned by the Hong-Kong based First Pacific Group, the PLDT shares worth P25.2 billion ($530 million), ending 20 years of court battle.
The PCGG’s claim over the Marcos assets in SMC is largely a function of the collection of coconut levy funds from coconut farmers.
The coco levy originated in the 1970s when Marcos decided to tax coconut farmers, promising them the funds would be used to develop the coconut industry and they would represent their investments.
Cojuangco was the main beneficiary of the funds in his capacity as SMC chair. A huge part of the coconut levy funds were used to buy the United Coconut Planters Bank (UCPB). Later, UPCB was used by Cojuangco to acquire the controlling interest in SMC.
The Supreme Court ruled in 2011 that Cojuangco’s 24 percent stake in SMC was not part of the coco levy funds.
Neither did it belong to the Philippine government. The SC ruling also said that the government failed to prove that Cojuangco was a Marcos crony.
But in 2012, the Supreme Court reversed its earlier decision and ruled that the questioned assets came from coconut levy funds.
It ruled with finality that the government owned the 24 percent block of shareholdings and that they should accrue for the benefit of the coconut industry and coconut farmers.
The PCGG acted to redeem the SMC shares and placed the sales proceeds of P56.54 billion (nearly $1.2 billion) in an escrow account with the Bureau of Treasury.
Moreover, it filed a motion with the Supreme Court to deliver another 4 percent SMC shares worth P14.12 billion (around $300 million), which represented the amount that accrued to the government’s shareholdings had they not been converted into treasury shares.
Fake names in Swiss banks
Beyond raiding companies and using dummies, the Marcoses also put huge sums in foreign banks.
No one knew the exact magnitude of the secret bank deposits of the Marcoses and cronies in Switzerland and other tax havens, which serve as destinations for the illegal wealth. This remains a Gordian knot in the quest for the illicit wealth of the dictator and cronies.
While fleeing from Malacañang on the fateful night of February 25, 1986, Marcos failed to get rid of many documents, which showed he owned secret bank deposits in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. They were listed under a dozen foundations.
Ferdinand and Imelda used the fictitious names “William Saunders” and “Jane Ryan,” respectively. Among the recovered documents were “declaration/specimen signatures” forms that the couple signed with their real names as well as pseudonyms.
The discovery prompted the newly installed Aquino government to work for the freezing, recovery, and repatriation of those secret Swiss bank deposits. But the circuitous litigation in Swiss courts and domestic courts took years.
It was only in 1995, or after close to a decade, that the Swiss courts ordered the transfer of those Swiss bank deposits, although the return depended on the final ruling of the local courts on its disposition.
In 2000, the Sandiganbayan ordered the forfeiture in favor of the government of the secret Swiss bank deposits of $658 million, which grew to that level after the discovery of more secret banks. In 2003, the court ruled in favor of the PCGG in forfeiting in favor of the government the Swiss deposits.
The decision paved the way for the submission the following year of the recovered money in the Bureau of Treasury.
On the positive side, the saga of the hidden wealth of the Marcoses and cronies in Switzerland has triggered policy changes in the Swiss banking system, affecting huge bank deposits suspected to have been earned by fraud and other illegal means.
In 1995, the Swiss Parliament enacted an amendment to an existing law that effectively removes legal impediments to the repatriation of illegal wealth to the host country.
Swiss laws no longer require the final judgment on the criminal conviction of the depositors, who face court charges for their illegal acquisition.
Sustaining this law, the Swiss Supreme Court promulgated in 1996 a landmark decision that criminal proceedings are no longer required for their repatriation. Hence, civil or administrative proceedings would be enough.
The ruling also gave deference to the final judgment of the Philippine court as to the ownership of these deposits.
The changes in the legal environment were to be expected. The global reputation of Switzerland and its banking system was at stake, as its banks were perceived a haven for money laundering, specifically those obtained by crime.
Tasks ahead
Fast forward to 2016.
PCGG chair Richard Amurao, whom President Benigno Aquino appointed in 2014 to replace Andres Bautista, now Comelec chairman, is working on the recovery of illegal assets worth P32 billion ($673 million) before the Sandiganbayan. Civil cases against 19 parties have been pending with the anti-graft court over the past one or two decades.
The civil cases involve the P12.9 billion ($271 million) worth of shareholdings listed under Lucio Tan’s name, P6.8 billion ($143 million) shareholdings listed under Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr’s, and P1.5 billion ($32 million) shareholdings listed under the squabbling pair of Victor Nieto and Manuel Nieto’s.
The other civil cases are the claims on P483.5 million ($10 million) worth of shareholdings and P267.4 million ($5.6 million) worth of real estate property of the Marcoses; P626.6 million ($13 million) worth of shareholdings; P73.9 million ($1.6 million) worth of real estate property listed under Alfredo Romualdez’s name; and P426.7 million ($9 million) worth of shareholdings and P222.1 million ($4.7 million) worth of real estate property listed under the Tantoco couple – Bienvenido and Gliceria.
Amurao said that P78 billion ($1.6 billion), or almost 40 percent of the recovered assets of P170 billion ($3.6 billion), went to the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), which the Cory Aquino government launched in 1987. The money was used mainly for land acquisitions and post-acquisition services to enhance the farmers’ productivity.
Amurao, however, could not categorically say when the PCGG should terminate its affairs, although he has expressed belief that it has to wait for the conclusion of the remaining civil cases. – Rappler.com
Those years saw numerous atrocities committed against thousands of Filipinos, especially those critical of the Marcos regime. But hope was not lost among brave men and women who joined the resistance movement – either in the streets or underground.
With free speech curtailed, activists communicated their anger in more ways than one. What words and phrases peppered their conversations then?
Below are some of the words that comprised the activists’ lingo in the 1980s, based on research and interviews with historian Michael “Xiao” Chua and Aurora Batnag, president of the Pambansang Samahan sa Linggwistika at Literaturang Filipino.
Abandonados – This term, Chua said, refers to Marcos loyalists post-EDSA who were “abandoned” by the dictator after he fled to Hawaii with his family and close allies on February 25, 1986, with the help of American authorities
ASSO (Arrest, Search, and Seizure Order) – According to Chua, the ASSO – an arrest without warrant – is a list you wouldn’t want your name to be in. “Hindi alam kahit nung humuhuli sa’yo kung bakit ka niya hinuhuli. Ganun siya ka-arbitrary.” (Even the one arresting you doesn’t know why you’re being arrested. That’s the extent of its arbitrariness.)
Barbed wire – Activists then considered the barbed wire as a symbol of oppression. At the time, gates of Malacañang in Manila had barbed wires, keeping protesters away from the seat of power.
Boycott – The act of boycott in the context of the martial law could mean two things, said Chua: to boycott an election that is “Lutong Makoy” (an election rigged by Marcos), or to boycott products, banks, and companies owned by Marcos’ cronies.
Confetti – Rallies in Makati’s Ugarte Field (now Ayala Triangle) were replete with yellow confetti – that is, yellow pages cut into strips of paper and dropped by employees from their offices to support protesters against Marcos.
Curfew – The 12-4 am curfew hours during martial law lasted for 5 years, from 1972 to 1977. Chua said another term related to curfew is “pa-morningan,” when people would rather stay where they are past midnight than risk going home.
Edifice Complex – This term used by stage and screen actor-director Behn Cervantes is a play on another term, Oedipus complex, and refers to Imelda Marcos’ penchant for building extravagant infrastructure projects for the arts. This includes the Cultural Center of the Philippines, the Folk Arts Theater, and the controversial Manlia Film Center, which collapsed while still under construction.
Imeldific – This term, a play of the First Lady’s name, was used to refer to being extravagant and vulgar. But Chua said Imelda herself claims the term and interprets it to mean “excessively beautiful.” During his interview with the First Lady, Chua recalled that Imelda even referred to her dog as Imeldific after it ate caviar.
Metrocom – One of the most feared words then, according to Batnag, was the Metrocom or the Metropolitan Command – troops who detained anyone who’s still out in the streets past the curfew hours.
Operation Pinta-Operation Dikit (OP-OD or Operation Paint/Post) – This refers to “missions” wherein activists filled walls and the streets with anti-Marcos slogans.
Salvage – This term was used back then when referring to extrajudicial killings.
Suspension of the privilege of writ of habeas corpus – Chua explained: “Wala kang karapatan, tinatanggalan ka ng karapatan na dalhin sa korte ‘yung katawan mo para makasuhan ka, kasi wala kang kaso. ‘Pag inaresto ka nung martial law wala kang kaso, pero in detention ka, ‘di mo alam gaano katagal.” (You don’t have the privilege to be brought to court where you will be charged, because there is no case. You can be arrested during martial law even without a case, but you will be in detention, and you don’t know for how long.)
Tuta ng Kano (American lapdog) – this monicker was just one of the many used by activists against Marcos. One slogan goes: “Marcos, Hitler, Diktador, Tuta.”
Tear gas – During rallies, police would resort to using tear gas just to disperse protesters.
UG (Underground) – This refers to Filipinos fighting the regime, usually with nationalist organizations and away from the streets (as opposed to those “above ground” or the street parliamentarians). Chua explained: “Kunwari sumali ka na sa mga makabayang organisasyon, especially the New People’s Army, UG ka na. Ibig sabihin ‘di ka na makikita ng mga kamag-anak mo, nagtatago ka na, pero lumalaban ka.” (For example, if you join nationalist organizations, especially the New People’s Army, you’re already considered UG. It means you won’t be seen by your relatives anymore, you’re hiding but fighting.)
Yellow ribbon – Inspired by the song “Tie a Yellow Ribbon ‘Round the Ole Oak Tree,” supporters of Marcos’ political rival, Senator Benigno Aquino Jr, tied yellow ribbons around the airport to welcome his return from the United States in 1983. He never saw the ribbons, though, as he was shot dead upon arrival. Chua said the yellow ribbon eventually became the symbol of Aquino’s wife Cory and the anti-dictatorship struggle.
‘Magkaisa’
One important word is missing above: Magkaisa. In separate interviews, both Chua and Batnag said magkaisa is that one word which best defines the generation that fought the Marcos regime.
Chua said the song was composed by “pro-Marcos” Tito Sotto (now a senator), “who gifted it as his reconciliation call to Cory Aquino and EDSA, and the people.”
Chua said that historic event in February 1986, when Filipinos trooped to EDSA in protest, “is actually the people’s tribute to the activists of the 1970s and 1980s, because finally, here are the people joining them in the parliament of the streets.”
Batnag also joined the protests then, with her children in tow. There were threats she would lose her job at Surian ng Wikang Pambansa (now Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino) for supporting Cory, but she said even before the snap elections, the country was already very ripe for a revolution.
PROTESTS. Thousands of Filipinos join the ‘street parliamentarians’ in toppling the Marcos dictatorshp. File photo courtesy of the Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines
Only a few of the words above remain familiar to the generations that never experienced martial law. But the words are still relevant and worth revisiting today, according to Chua, because these words meant life and death to many.
“But a lot of these words also symbolize hope for a better future. Pondering on the meaning of each word also makes us realize the journey that our fathers and mothers went through during that time to regain our freedom,” he added.
For Batnag, it’s also another way to move on from that painful part of our history.
“Kasi ang bawat salita diba may kahuluguhan noon. Ngayon, isang paraan ng pagpapaalala sa kanila kung ano ang mga sinabi noon, anong sitwasyon noon, kasi kailangang malaman ng mga kabataan at maunawaan kung anong nangyari noon dahil hindi ka makakamove-on hangga’t ‘di mo naiintindihan ang nakaraan.”
(Every word then had meaning. Today, another way to remind us of what the situation was like then is through these words, because even the young people should know and understand what happened before. You cannot move on until you’ve fully understood the past.)
“People often say that ‘Never Again’ is politics. Bongbong Marcos is saying that ‘Never Again’ is a propaganda against the Marcoses. But a lot of people don’t realize that ‘Never Again’ are lives lost, ‘Never Again’ are lives that are destroyed…. ‘Never Again’ is dignity lost,” the historian said.
“Martial law and People Power [are] not propaganda. Forgetting these two is tantamount to hijacking our own future. And definitely, the victim’s lives are not propaganda.”
Did we miss a word or phrase? Let us know in the comments section below! – Rappler.com
Journalist Raissa Robles’ new book provides a brief history of martial law atrocities, and presents stories of torture and repression under the late dictator’s rule
NEVER AGAIN. Journalist Raissa Robles says her new book is a ‘study of a benevolent dictatorship,’ and recounts stories of atrocities during the Marcos regime.
MANILA, Philippines – Thirty years since the historic uprising that overthrew the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, a new book aims to recount the atrocities of the Marcos regime and bring to light stories of torture and repression.
In “Marcos Martial Law: Never Again,” journalist Raissa Robles presents a brief history of the human rights violations committed during the late strongman’s authoritarian rule. In her book, Robles provides not just stories of torture, but explains how and why Marcos declared martial law.
During the book launch on Tuesday, February 23, Robles said the book aims to remind Filipinos of the atrocities that other generations have already forgotten, and to uncover more stories of cruelty.
Robles recalled the story of one young woman, who had been raped and treated as a “comfort woman” by a military officer.
“We never knew the extent of the repression. There were times when I was doing the research here that I cried, because I could not imagine so much cruelty done by one Filipino to a fellow Filipino,” she said.
Describing it as a “study of a benevolent dictatorship,” Robles said the book also aims to serve as a “warning” about the costs of giving up one’s freedom.
In her preface, Robles wrote: “There seems to exist a yearning among many Filipinos for a strongman rule. This is a study of a strongman rule we once had, to serve as a warning that giving up our freedoms in exchange for the honeyed promises of a dictator will exact a terrible price on everyone, including the unborn generations.”
The launch of the book comes two days before the Philippines marks the 30th anniversary of the historic EDSA People Power Revolution that ended the Marcos dictatorship.
It also comes ahead of the national elections in May, where the late dictator’s son, Senator Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr, is running for vice president.
Based on a recent Social Weather Stations survey, Marcos has promising survey numbers. He is currently tied with Senator Francis Escudero for the top spot in the vice presidential race.
‘No political motive’
Of the 52 million registered voters for the May polls, around 20 million come from the youth sector – a generation that has not seen or experienced the horrors of martial law.
During the book launch, Robles dismissed suggestions that the timing of the book’s release had a political motive.
“The timing was accidental. I should’ve released it much earlier, when I realized the memory was fading,” she said.
Asked by broadcast journalist Karen Davila if the book was a bid to make Marcos lose in the May polls, Robles answered: “I don’t know, because you can’t predict what would happen because of a book.”
Robles, however, said the Marcoses should acknowledge the atrocities that occurred during the late dictator’s rule.
In previous interviews, the younger Marcos had repeatedly said that he saw no reason to apologize for his father’s two-decade presidency. The lawmaker also cited his father’s achievements during that time. (READ: Bongbong Marcos: Aquino must move on)
“Will I say sorry for the thousands and thousands of kilometers [of roads] that were built? Will I say sorry for the agricultural policy that brought us to self-sufficiency in rice? Will I say sorry for the power generation? Will I say sorry for the highest literacy rate in Asia? What am I to say sorry about?” Marcos said in an August 2015 interview.
But Robles criticized Marcos for having a “selective memory,” choosing to leave out any mention of repression and torture under the late dictator’s rule.
She added that the younger Marcos himself should not be let off the hook, in response to some critics who say that he should not be made to pay for his father’s sins.
“Let me put that into context. Bongbong Marcos was governor in 1985. The Commission on Human Rights gave me data on extra-judicial killings in different provinces. In the province of Ilocos Norte, there were only 2 extra-judicial killings: one in ’85, one in ’86, and who was the governor? He was. The governor’s in charge of peace and order. So did he not know?” Robles said.
She added, “Another thing that struck me [is that] there is a perception that Bongbong Marcos was too young to know all these things. Bongbong Marcos was older or as young as the people who were tortured or who were killed.”
Asked what it means for the Philippines to have a Marcos back in national office, Robles replied: “He is not the past, but he will be your horrible future.”
Impact on 2016 polls
While she did not speculate on the book’s impact on the upcoming polls, Robles said she hopes that the book will help young voters understand the historical context of grievances against Marcos, and to elect leaders whom they believe will work for the good of the country.
“I don’t want voters to think, ‘I won’t vote for him because he’s a Marcos.’ He (the voter) has to understand. I will vote for this person because he will be a good leader,” she said. (READ: Too late for martial law victims’ campaign vs Bongbong Marcos?)
Robles added that the book aims to warn people about the price of a potential new dictatorship.
“When [leaders] promise, ‘Give me power, and I will do this for you in 6 months’ time,’ you better stop and pause. Because once you give a person power, it’s not as easy to get it back,” she said.
“If a person says that he wants a benevolent dictatorship, I want that person to read this book and decide for himself or herself. Is it worth the price, is it worth the cost in human lives, in suffering?” – Rappler.com
The Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang acknowledges that it has to work double timeto frustrate the vice presidential bid of the late dictator’s son
WARM WELCOME. Supporters welcome Vice Presidentiable Bongbong Marcos Tuesday at Barangay Maybunga in Pasig City during his campaign sortie. Photo by Joel Liporada/Rappler
MANILA, Philippines – Martial law victims who have vowed to hound the vice presidential bid of Senator Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr said they are not losing hope despite the rise in pre-election surveys of the late dictator’s son.
Carmma or the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang was launched on February 4 – days ahead of the start of the campaign period. They vowed to picket Marcos activities and distribute materials detailing the abuses and excesses of the regime of the late president Ferdinand Marcos decades ago.
Two weeks and at least 5 provincial visits into Marcos’ campaign, the group seemed to have a lot of catching up to do to accomplish its mission.
Spokesperson Bonifacio Ilagan acknowledged that they are running out of time in campaigning against Marcos Jr. They just met with their regional counterparts during their national assembly on Monday morning, February 22.
With at least 800 members, the group will continue fighting: “Kami naman po walang katapusan ang pag-asa (We have not stopped hoping) even during the darkest days of Martial Law when all forces of the dictatorship were against us,” Ilagan said.
Concrete actions
Carmma, Ilagan said, will ramp up its efforts and work faster given it only has at least two months to overturn the warm reception of Filipino voters for Marcos.
Their immediate response will be to roll out statements and videos on social media in the days leading to, and even after, the 30th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution this week.
“Our materials are all set for distribution. We will do our best to reach the farthest areas. We have our statements, we have our video materials,” Ilagan told Rappler in a phone interview.
They will also be pushing the senator to engage with their party to discuss the issues about the plunder and several human rights violations committed during the time of his father.
Ilagan said the group’s local chapters will be countering Marcos’ provincial sorties. He said that they are counting on their units in Southern Tagalog, Central Luzon, Panay Islands, Davao, and the National Capital Region.
Out of these areas, the senator has visited Batangas in Southern Tagalog, where he has strong support in at least 5 municipalities. Marcos is set to visit other provinces in the region in the coming days – Cavite, Laguna, and Rizal, in particular.
Marcos nostalgia
Pre-election surveys, and even in campaign sorties, show that Carmma has a lot of work to do if they want to succeed in frustrating Marcos’ vice presidential bid.
The most recent Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey showed that Marcos is tied at the top spot with fellow senator and Nacionalista Party member Francis Escudero if elections would be held today.
His reception in Luzon areas, based on Pulse Asia survey, is also promising. 36% of voters in the National Capital Region and 26% in balance Luzon said they would vote for him.
He has also been received well by residents of the first few local areas he visited, where the “Marcos fever” is still very visible in many senior citizens, who reminisce about how life was better in the Philippines during Marcos’ rule.
n Metro Manila, the family scion has been visiting areas where his parents set up urban relocation centers such as in Marikina, Caloocan, and just this Monday, Muntinlupa City.
Marcos Jr is shrugged off the campaign against him as part of politics.
“We are candidates, so ganyan naman talaga ang pulitika, merong sumusuporta, merong hindi. Lahat naman ng kandidato may ganyan,” he told reporters during the sidelines of a brief program in Muntinlupa City on Monday.
(That’s politics, there are supporters, there are detractors. All candidates have that.)
PROTESTS. Thousands of Filipinos join the ‘street parliamentarians’ in toppling the Marcos dictatorshp. File photo courtesy of the Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines
